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charlesmwewa
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The Challenge of Democracy in Africa
« on: April 06, 2007, 11:58:51 AM »

If recent developments are anything to go by, Africa is slowly but surely taking the centre stage in global affairs.  Firstly, we just saw the leadership supremacy of Kofi Annan, former Secretary General of the United Nations Organization. That was an African at the helm of international politics. And secondly, the world’s most popular sport, the soccer world cup, has been proposed to be held in South Africa in 2010. Africa, a vast continent with 53 countries, is slowly reshaping its destiny especially with the transformation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) on July 9, 2002.  If signs rarely cheat, then Africa is on its redemptive path. However, to reach there Africa faces so many challenges. On top of the list is the challenge of democracy.

The legacy of political instabilities, corruption and wars, which is ravaging the continent can only be minimized with the strengthening of democracy in Africa. In its political sense, democracy is a form of government.  It refers to a form of political organization in which the government is run by the representatives of the people elected on the basis of adult franchise.  The following basic principles are instrumental to democracy: policy makers must be popularly controlled.  Voting rights must be granted to all citizens equally, of a certain age.  And voting must be a one person-one-vote issue.

In political democracy, political freedom enshrined in the freedoms of speech, assembly, organization of peaceful protests, religion, and others, must be the norm.  Equality to all irrespective of creed, gender, regional discrepancies, tribal differences or colour must be encouraged.

Fundamental to democracy in Africa is the Rule of Law.  Our African governments must encourage the absolute supremacy of regular law as opposed to the influence of arbitrary power. For our emerging African leaders, this is very essential. The Rule of Law is founded on the premise that whatever is done officially must be done in accordance with Law.  In that case the Rule of Law must be above the rule of men or force.

Democracy is consistent with the doctrine of free economy.  Because a democratic society aims at developing the nation’s personality so that its citizens have the capacity to self-governance, independent rational attitude, the tendencies to free expression and to promoting private self interest over general system, makes it easy for adherents of different faiths and political convictions to adjust.  Such an atmosphere is a breeding ground for social education, self-actualization and moral development.

My theorizing on democracy is due to the fact that, in my opinion, it still remains the most plausible means of governance especially as applied to the African case.  Africans know the power of insaaka or indaba in discussing pressing issues. In pre-colonial African years, all the men participated in the decision-making process. Democracy was applied, and yet not defined.

For Africa, democracy must be taken literally.  Frederick Chiluba, second Republican President of the Republic of Zambia has argued in his book, Democracy: the Challenge of Change, thus:

“The word democracy is indeed confused and so confusing that different countries lack a commonly accepted theoretical or practical understanding.” (Chiluba, p.3).

The fact is, the word democracy is not confusing, but the people entrusted with the mandate to safeguard democracy, in Africa, are the ones who confuse it.  Taking the case of Zambia as an example, and alluding to Chiluba’s argument in which he advocates for a redefinition of democracy in Zambia, two points need to be considered. 

Firstly, his argument is based on a pre-victory stance.  Before his Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) came into power in 1991 a one party, so-called participatory democracy under Kenneth Kaunda’s United Nation’s Independence Party (UNIP), dominated Zambia.  UNIP and Dr. Kaunda had ruled Zambia for over 27 years all the time claiming Zambia was a democracy.  Yet under such a system, as Chiluba also has observed, “The government became almost totally subservient to the party.  Parliament was said to exist as a conveyor belt merely to legislate, and not to question or deliberate the decisions made by the party’s national council and central committee.” (p.42)

In such a case, as it was with Zambia, the people lost freedom to participate.  In Africa democracy had been defined but misapplied.  Tidjane Thiam is not wrong when he says: “Too many African governments pay only lip service to democracy, which is often limited to simply holding regular elections (the main yardstick used by the outside world to assess progress in Africa).”   

Most African governments have used the term democracy amiss, usually in their quest to woo donor support from the bilateral and multilateral communities.  Any time this has happened, the common people of Africa have suffered.  Democracy, literary defined and applied for Africa, works.   

Experience has proven that democracy is workable in Africa.  Nations were coups-d’etat have taken place cannot boast of stable governments.  The concept of military takeovers in Africa is not only foreign but has been perpetrated mostly by the outsiders who find pale areas for the supply of weapons and arsenal experimentation.  Jonas Savimbi who headed UNITA rebels in Angola wrecked that nation due to weapon trade.

If we have to fight democracy defined, but misapplied and the effects of our colonial past, a new look African leadership should emerge.  A leadership whined from the slave legacy and colonial mentality should be repositioned.  These leaders must communicate relentlessly. 

In Africa, we cannot see economic development without the freedoms of information and speech.  A girl in the village must be told that someone is denying her primary education because scarce public resources are being spent on university students in the cities, for example. 

The other thing, which this new African leadership must do, is to adopt and implement comprehensive strategies for poverty alleviation with explicit targets for access to health, education, safe water, roads, energy and telecommunications.  Only education is able to help Africans enlarge their definition of human rights even beyond their village or ethnic groupings. 

Education will enable an African be aware of his or her environment and beyond.  Only when an African is thoroughly educated will he or she be able to refuse certain ideas and concepts, which may not even have been tried elsewhere but are forced on the African people.  Africans will then learn to understand that they are equal with every body else and are entitled to good life, good health, good environment, good education and to decent burial!

The last thing, which the new African leadership must embrace, is the concept of decentralization of decision-making.  Power, real power, must be given to the people at local as well as national levels.  In this vein women and girls should also be encouraged to participate in issues that have a massive bearing upon them.  Civil society and the Church have a tremendous responsibility in ensuring that people know who they are, what they can do and what their rights are regardless of gender.

In Africa democracy has been defined, but now is the time to apply it and see it work for us!
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